January 1, 1841
Under the Refuge of Oppression column, there is a note from the Harrisburg Keystone, with a warning about a “whole-hog abolitionist and amalgamationist, named Flowers,” who is lecturing “farmers of the country into the beauties of marrying their sons and daughters to woolly-headed negroes.”…… “are you in favor of putting negroes on an equality with whites….making them officers, jurymen, judges, sons-in-law, ….and equals of yourselves and your posterity…” Then it urges a vote against abolitionists in the election.
January 1, 1841
Notice of action by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, in London, which takes a strong action to “enter a solemn protest against the recognition of the independence of Texas as a most immoral and impolitic act”
January 8, 1841
An article signed by James Birney, E. Wright, Jr. and Henry B. Stanton, with a statement opposing the creation of a third political party. It deprecates “the formation of a distinct anti-slavery political party …. Or any effort to unite our interest with any existing party…”
January 15, 1841
In a long letter to Channing, here Smith says, “…. there are but two courses for abolitionists in the matter of voting. One of these is to refrain from the polls, where conscience requires it; and the other is, to nominate their own candidates….. Those who take the former course, will happily be clear of the snares and perils of politics: — whilst they who prefer the latter, and go into the arena of political strife, will, I admit, stand in especial need of the admonitions and prayers of their brethren…..”
January 15, 1841
Here is a notice, written by Benjamin Taylor, of a colored boy, 14, who left the shop where he worked, in Boston, on Monday morning, and has not been heard of since. He is a recent arrival from Malaga, Africa, and not well known. Letters about him can be addressed to either Ellis Gray Loring, or to Garrison
January 15, 1841
Notice of the party meeting, deferred until February, hoping for the largest “anti-slavery meeting ever assembled in Boston.
February 5, 1841
Under Refuge of Oppression there is an article from the Connecticut Observer, under the title, Support for Ministers of the Gospel. The writer contends that even though a Minister does not take an abolitionist position, who may not even pray for an end to slavery, yet that Minister is entitled to the support of the congregation.
February 5, 1841
From the Opelousas, La., Gazette, is the story of three slaves who were executed for the murder of John Moore, their overseer. It seems that the overseer had found whiskey in their cabins, and was going to punish them the next day. Another slave was acquitted, but the article claims it has since been found that he was also guilty, and regrets “that he cannot be tried again and hanged.” The heading which the Liberator gives to this item is, Fruits of Slavery.
February 19, 1841
A letter from Gerrit Smith to William Goodell, recounts some of the divisions among abolitionists, and ends with a plea for unity. “… what say you to a proposition for peace amongst ourselves? Considering that the slave still lies bleeding under his oppressor, is it not high time to make and to embrace such a proposition? Is it not time for abolitionists to be employing against their common foe the time and ammunition, which, for the last two years, they have been guiltilly wasting in their war upon each other? Come then, bro Birney, bro Tappan, etc., etc., and stipulate, that you will tolerate (we do not ask you to approve) the doctrine of ‘woman’s rights’ and the doctrine of ‘non-resistance’. Come then, bros. Garrison, Rogers, etc., etc., and reciprocate this liberality with the pledge, that you will tolerate (nor do we ask more of you than bare toleration) your brother abolitionists in their opposition to these doctrines: that you will let them form exclusively male anti-slavery societies, and will let them vote as they please, provided only that their voting will be only for abolitionists ….. Let us be magnanimous enough to forget our past dissensions; and to make room for the holy resolution, that, until we or slavery die, we will hate it and love each other.”
Response by Garrison: With a promise to comment further at another time, he says, “The spirit of the letter is excellent, but it seems to us that the reasoning is loose and inconsistent, and that the proposition for a reconciliation of the friends of the old and new organizations is not any more feasible, with the present views of the anti-slavery platform entertained by both parties, than the amalgamation of fire and gunpowder.”
March 19, 1841
With a title, Rebuke of the Eastern Railroad Company, for their treatment of Colored Passengers, there is a report here of a debate in the House, relative to a bill which would authorize the Railroad to extend its wharves. Mr. Bradburn, of Nantucket, takes the opportunity to announce that he will vote against the measure, as a rebuke to the Railroad for its “invidious and unjust treatment” of colored persons. Discussion on the floor includes objections by some to having colored persons sit next to them on the train because of an offensive odor. Someone else says that as long as slaves sit among people on the trains there is no objection to the odor, but only when the travelers are free colored people…… “when a free citizen of Massachusetts, having a colored skin, dares to step into one of these vehicles, which slaves may occupy without offence, why our nobility turn up their noses and talk of odor! While the colored man is a slave, our most delicate
aristocrats can sit beside him in any of our public conveyances; but make him a free man, and pah, they cannot sit within miles of him!” There is no record here of a conclusion to the debate or action by the House..
