{"id":2626,"date":"2011-06-30T18:56:23","date_gmt":"2011-06-30T18:56:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.theliberatorfiles.com\/?page_id=2626"},"modified":"2011-07-21T20:10:55","modified_gmt":"2011-07-21T20:10:55","slug":"garrison-agitator-war-without-slavery","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.theliberatorfiles.com\/garrison-agitator-war-without-slavery\/","title":{"rendered":"Garrison, The  Agitator,  and  War  Without  Slavery"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>(Lecture by Horace Seldon, April 7, 2011, Museum of African American History, Boston, MA)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>What is presented here is a response to two facts which characterize this day on which\u00a0we meet:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>First, the international news every day which describes public agitation rooted in\u00a0political dissatisfactions in large areas of our world.<\/li>\n<li>Second, the specific date of our meeting, in April, 2011, as we engage in\u00a0memories of the Civil War.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Garrison was named as the &#8220;preeminent Agitator&#8221; of the century, by John Stuart Mill and John Bright.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Agitate, Agitate, Agitate&#8221; was both method and purpose of Lloyd Garrison.  As we meet &#8220;Agitation&#8221; is what we see\/feel\/hear every day from the news in many lands of our world!!<\/p>\n<p>Henry Mayer says of Garrison: &#8220;His career is a<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"> landmark in the American dissenting tradition<\/span>,\u00a0and exemplifies the <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">fault line that in democratic politics separates the insiders<\/span>, who think\u00a0progress comes from quiet lobbying within the halls of power,<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"> from the outsiders<\/span>, who insist\u00a0that <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">only public manifestations of dissatisfaction can overcome worldly inertia<\/span>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Howard Zinn reminded us that there is &#8220;no point in probing the role of the agitator in the historical\u00a0process, unless we can learn something from it which is of use today.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>So, tonight I hope we begin to probe, to see what we can learn from Garrison, the outsider, agitator.<\/p>\n<p>Because we also meet at a time when our nation remembers the Civil War, I will place Garrison in the\u00a0context of a theme <strong>War Without Slavery, is Better Than Peace With Slavery.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>You may hear some things tonight which contradict what you have heard before.<\/p>\n<p>That may be  especially apparent as I speak of Garrison, noted as an advocate of non-violence,\u00a0and describe to you how I believe he moved to the position that war was necessary.<\/p>\n<p><strong>First I want you to meet my friend, William Lloyd Garrison, deeply committed to the colored\u00a0community of which the thriving center was where we meet tonight.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Tonight, walk with me over the Hill<\/em>, down Park Street, to the white-steepled Park Street Baptist\u00a0Church.  It is July 4, 1829; a young white guy, 23 years old, speaks.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Now, hear Four Convictions central to all of Garrison&#8217;s life, all of which were announced <\/strong><strong>on July 4, 1829, in what is called his first public speech, at the Park Street Baptist Church.<\/strong><\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>The slaves of this country, whether we consider their moral, intellectual, or social condition,\u00a0are entitled to the prayers, sympathies, charities of the American people, <strong>AND<\/strong> their\u00a0claims for redress are as strong as those of any Americans <strong>could be<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li>The non-slave-holding, the free States, are constitutionally involved in the quilt of slavery,\u00a0by adhering to a national compact that sanctions it, <strong>AND<\/strong> it is their <strong>DUTY<\/strong> to assist in\u00a0its overthrow.<\/li>\n<li>No justification for the perpetuity of slavery can be found in the <strong>condition<\/strong> of its victims.\u00a0There is no barrier against our righteous interference in the laws which authorize slavery.<\/li>\n<li>Education and freedom will elevate our colored population to<strong> a rank with the whites<\/strong>,           making them useful, intelligent and peaceable citizens.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p><em>Walk another time over the Hill<\/em> down Milk Street, to Pearl Street, just beyond Congress,nmwhere you will hear Garrison speak at the Athenaeum.  After the talk watch as two colored\u00a0gentlemen step forward to greet Garrison, shake his hand, and engage in animated\u00a0conversation.  One was The Rev. Thomas Paul, first pastor of the African Baptist Church;\u00a0the other The Rev. Samuel Snowden, minister of the African Methodist Church; he lived\u00a0just down the street here.  The occasion was the beginning of the strong support which\u00a0Garrison received in later years from the colored community of our Hill.<\/p>\n<p><em>Or walk down Milk Street<\/em>, to Julien Hall, at the corner of Federal Street. Listen to Lloyd\u00a0speak.  Watch as Samuel J. May, Samuel Sewall, are joined by Bronson Alcott, and\u00a0they, with Garrison proceed to Alcott&#8217;s home, for a midnight conversation.<\/p>\n<p>Ten days after that July 4 the African Abolition Freehold Society, gathered in the evening.\u00a0During the day there was a procession in celebration of the ending of the slave trade in the\u00a0British colonies, 1807.  After the procession a convocation met at the Meeting House.\u00a0Garrison was there.  As he listened to the gathered community that evening he learned\u00a0two immense lessons.<\/p>\n<p>The first lesson began his understanding that there could be no moral middle ground\u00a0between enslavement and freedom. The July 4th speech was an occasion partly sponsored\u00a0by the American Colonization Society; on that evening he had encouraged the creation of\u00a0local chapters of that Society, devoted in part to the idea that emancipation should come\u00a0gradually, with a period of &#8220;apprenticeship&#8221; during which the enslaved would be prepared\u00a0for freedom.  Ten evenings later, he heard colored citizens strongly &#8220;murmur&#8221; against such\u00a0an idea.  Listening put his head\/heart on notice that freedom ought to come immediately,\u00a0with no intermediary time.  The second lesson for Garrison that evening was simply that if\u00a0he was to speak for the enslaved he must listen to the community from which they came.\u00a0That central lesson was learned again from black friends in Baltimore.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Second, hear Garrison&#8217;s radical view of The Constitution.  Hear him regarding\u00a0the &#8220;Sacred&#8221; Compact &#8212; 1832<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&#8220;There is much declamation about the sacredness of the compact which was formed between\u00a0the free and slave States, on the adoption of the Constitution  <strong>A sacred compact, forsooth!!! <\/strong>We pronounce it the most bloody and heaven-daring arrangement ever made by men for the\u00a0continuance and protection of a system of the most atrocious villany ever exhibited on earth.\u00a0It was a compact formed at the sacrifice of the bodies and souls of millions of our race, for the\u00a0sake of achieving a political object &#8212; an unblushing and monstrous coalition to do evil that\u00a0good might come.   Such a compact was, in the nature of things and according to the law of\u00a0God, null and void from the beginning.  No body of men ever had the right to guarantee the\u00a0holding of human beings in bondage&#8230;.By the infamous bargain which they made between\u00a0themselves they trampled beneath their feet their own solemn and heaved-attested Declaration, that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable\u00a0rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.   They had not lawful\u00a0power to bind themselves, or their posterity, for one hour, for one moment, by such an\u00a0unholy alliance.  It was not valid then &#8212; it is not valid now. Still they persist to maintain\u00a0it &#8212; and still do their successors, the people of Mass, of NE, and of the twelve free states\u00a0persiste in maintaining it. &#8220;<strong>A sacred compact!  A sacred compact!  If that be &#8220;sacred&#8221;,\u00a0what then is wicked and ignominious!!!!&#8230;.<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>&#8230;&#8230;and just a bit more about <em>Northern complicity<\/em>&#8230;.  also 1832:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cPeople of New England, and of the free States!  Is it true that slavery is no concern of yours?\u00a0Have you no right even to protest against it, or to seek its removal?  Are you not the\u00a0main pillars of its support?  How long do you mean to be answerable to God, and the\u00a0world, for spilling the blood of the poor innnocents?  Be not afraid to look the monster\u00a0Slavery boldly in the face &#8212; the enemy of God and man.  <strong>Never hope to be a united, <\/strong><strong>or happy, or prosperous people while he exists\u2026<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201c&#8230;.. it is said that if you agitate this question, you will divide the Union.  &#8230;You must\u00a0perform your duty, and leave the consequences to God &#8230; that duty is clearly to cease\u00a0from giving countenance and protection to kidnappers &#8230; <strong>Be assured that slavery will <\/strong><strong>speedily destroy this Union, if it be left alone&#8230;.<\/strong>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWe, of New England, are lamentably ignorant of the subject of slavery, but even our\u00a0ignorance is exceeded by our apathy &#8230;. In its origin slavery was a common crime; it is\u00a0equally in its continuance a common curse &#8230;In its removal we are all bound to assist.\u00a0The foundation of the system was laid in Mass and Virginia .. For 32 years after the\u00a0Declaration of Independence the ships of New England were actively engaged in stealing\u00a0victims on the coast of Africa by the desire and authority of the nation&#8230;. and even today\u00a0many of its vessels, manned with American officers and seamen, are undoubtedly in the\u00a0horrid trade. ..&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Third, Garrison&#8217;s clear conviction that the oppressed slaves are justified in using <\/strong><strong>force to gain freedom<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most frequent comments about Garrison concerns his commitment\u00a0to nonviolence.  He is often presented as one who believed that there was only one\u00a0method of abolishing slavery; that single way was through moral suasion.  That he\u00a0supported the Civil War, and was earlier than many to urge using Presidential war\u00a0powers as an instrument of abolition , has often left people with more &#8220;wondering&#8221;\u00a0than conclusions about his commitment to nonviolent action.<\/p>\n<p>One of the early responses to the questions about the use of violence, comes as\u00a0Garrison publishes  David Walker&#8217;s famous Appeal to the Colored People of the\u00a0World. Garrison recognizes that the South &#8220;may reasonably be alarmed&#8221; at circulation of the Appeal, and he &#8220;deprecates&#8221; its spirit of vengeance.  He nevertheless\u00a0comments that <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">the people as a nation should not denounce it<\/span>, since Walker simply\u00a0&#8220;pays them in their own coin&#8221;, &#8220;follows their own creed&#8221;, &#8220;adopts their own language&#8221;.\u00a0&#8220;Every time we complain about foreign oppression is a call for the slaves to destroy\u00a0us; every 4th of July celebration must enflame the minds of the slaves.&#8221;\u00a0Here is the seed of thought calling upon a nation which has been quick to\u00a0glorify the insurrection at its founding, to not be hasty in denouncing what Walker\u00a0may advocate.  Here Garrison stands on the brink of a possibility for the enslaved\u00a0which he could not at that time allow himself.<\/p>\n<p>In 1832, calling for the organizing of a National Anti-Slavery Society, Garrison is\u00a0adamant that slave chains must be broken.  Shall those chains be broken by\u00a0physical or moral power?  &#8230;.&#8221;at some period or other, in <strong><em>some way or other<\/em><\/strong>, our\u00a0slaves <strong><em>must<\/em><\/strong> be free.&#8221;  Garrison lists three modes by which slavery can be\u00a0overthrown:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>by physical force on the part of the free states<\/li>\n<li>by the same force on the part of the slaves<\/li>\n<li>by an enlightened and benevolent public opinion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Garrison says he discards the first two modes as \u201crevolting and disastrous\u201d.\u00a0He wants to provide &#8220;light&#8221; on the subject, particularly to people in the free states.\u00a0..&#8221;their hearts are right &#8230;. their heads are all wrong&#8221;. He calls for organizing and\u00a0concentrating the moral energies of the nation &#8230; Auxiliaries must be formed in\u00a0every State, every town and village&#8230;.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>In this statement about the three modes by which slavery can be overthrown,\u00a0Garrison is willing to allow a standard for slaves, different from his personal\u00a0commitment to using only moral suasion.   &#8230;. At several points later in his life\u00a0Garrison relaxes his nonviolent theme as he considers the possibility of the\u00a0oppressed groups using violent means.  He finds it impossible to hold the\u00a0slaves to his uncompromising standard. He searches for some compromise,\u00a0or at least a willingness to apply a different standard for the enslaved.  The\u00a0search becomes more explicit in later years.<\/p>\n<p>++++++++++<\/p>\n<p>Thirty-seven years later, at a commemoration of the 1770 Boston Massacre, in\u00a0a meeting chaired by William Cooper Nell, Garrison joins other speakers.  He\u00a0invokes God&#8217;s call for all to be people of peace, slaveholders and slaves alike.\u00a0&#8220;Nevertheless, I admit, that if any men have a right to fight for liberty with\u00a0deadly weapons, they are to be  found on the Southern plantations;&#8230; if\u00a0Washington and his compatriots were justified in taking up arms, by the\u00a0same logic &#8230; those who are enslaved in our country today would also be\u00a0justified in resorting to armed resistance, and in breaking their chains over\u00a0the heads of their oppressors&#8230;&#8221;   This is the language of Walker.  Garrison\u00a0does not like the spirit of vengeance, but it is the spirit of colonial revolutionaries who used the language of enslavement to justify force.<\/p>\n<p><strong>In November, 1837<\/strong>, Elijah Lovejoy was killed while defending his printing\u00a0press against an angry mob.  Accounts of the mob indicated that Lovejoy\u00a0took up arms in defense, and this raised problems for those who espoused\u00a0nonviolence.  There was an &#8220;indignation meeting&#8221; at Faneuil Hall.  The abolitionists there were not of one mind. Previous to the meeting Garrison had\u00a0&#8220;regretted&#8221; Lovejoy&#8217;s action in taking up arms in self-defense.  At the meeting Garrison was present, but did not speak, even when resolutions were\u00a0passed which affirmed Lovejoy&#8217;s action. Those resolutions asserted that\u00a0Lovejoy was &#8220;amply justified by the principles set forth in the Declaration\u00a0of Independence and by the example of our Revolutionary fathers&#8221;, and\u00a0&#8220;that those who subscribe to that Declaration of Independence, and who\u00a0eulogize the Revolution, and then affect to be shocked at the brave and\u00a0spirited defense by Mr. Lovejoy&#8221;, express a view which is &#8220;nothing better\u00a0than base hypocrisy &#8230; it is certain that no body of men have ever had a\u00a0better right to use arms in self-defense.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>There is no minute of the meeting which indicates that Garrison objected\u00a0to the resolutions, which express a view contrary to his earlier criticism of \u00a0Lovejoy&#8217;s action.  For Garrison to sit quietly and not object to public resoutions with which he disagreed would have been out of character. Garrison&#8217;s\u00a0sons believed that those resolutions were written by Garrison. If Garrison\u00a0did write those resolutions, it leaves one wondering why the difference in\u00a0those two sets of responses to the same event?  Does the difference represent an internal conflict in Garrison, or does the difference between his\u00a0previous &#8220;regret&#8221;, and the resolutions, represent Garrison&#8217;s recognition that\u00a0a larger public may differ from his personal view, and the resolutions are an\u00a0example of his open spirit?  We will never know the answer to that question.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Comes John Brown, at Harper&#8217;s Ferry<\/strong>, and Garrison seeks a way to\u00a0acknowledge the significance of Brown&#8217;s action, while allowing him to\u00a0state his belief in non-violence.  Hear him at Tremont Temple, the day\u00a0of Brown&#8217;s execution:<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Was John Brown justified in his attempt?  Yes, if Washington was\u00a0in his; if Warren and Hancock were in theirs.  If men are justified in\u00a0striking a blow for freedom, when the question is one of a threepenny\u00a0tax on tea, then, I say, they are a thousand times more justified,\u00a0when it is to save fathers, mothers, wives and children from the\u00a0slave coffle and the auction-block, and to restore them to their God-given rights &#8230;.. I am a non-resister- a believer in the inviolability\u00a0of human life, under all circumstances; I therefore, in the name of\u00a0God, disarm John Brown, and every slave of the South&#8230; yet, as a\u00a0peace man  &#8212; I am prepared to say, Success to every slave\u00a0insurrection at the South, and in every slave country&#8230;.Whenever\u00a0there is a contest between the oppressed and the oppressor,&#8230;.\u00a0God knows that my heart must be with the oppressed, and always\u00a0against the oppressor.  Therefore, whenever commenced, I cannot\u00a0but wish success to all slave insurrections.  Rather than seeing\u00a0men wearing their chains in cowardly and servile spirit, I would, as\u00a0an advocate of peace, much rather see them breaking the head\u00a0of the tyrant with their chains\u2026&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><strong><em><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">And we must see how Garrison moves toward the Civil War<\/span><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Response to Lincoln&#8217;s first inaugural address, 1861<\/p>\n<p>To Lincoln&#8217;s appeal that there be no need of bloodshed or violence,\u00a0unless it be &#8220;forced upon the federal authority&#8221;, the editor explicitly\u00a0objects:  &#8220;Either blood must flow like water, or Mr. Lincoln and the\u00a0North must back down, and confess that the Union is dissolved\u00a0beyond the power of restoration&#8221;. While this is a statement about\u00a0the Union, the alternative to dissolution is that &#8220;blood must flow\u00a0like water&#8221;, &#8212; no appeal to moral suasion there.<\/p>\n<p>In Sept of 1861 the <em>Liberator<\/em> begins to quote John Quincy Adams,\u00a0asserting the right of the President to use his war powers to order\u00a0emancipation.. In that same year Garrison publishes a collection\u00a0of articles under the title <span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><em>The Aboliton of Slavery and the Right of\u00a0the Government Under the War Power<\/em><\/span>.  A clear message that\u00a0slavery is at the &#8220;very heart and head of this struggle&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Garrison is moving very quickly to the conviction that war\u00a0without slavery, is better than peace with slavery<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>During this period, Garrison is strong in his criticism of Lincoln; at various\u00a0times he says of the President that &#8220;there is not a drop of anti-slavery\u00a0blood in his body&#8221;, or, making fun of his physical stature, &#8220;he is 6 &#8216; 4&#8243; tall,\u00a0but a moral pygmy&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>After the President&#8217;s message to Congress, 1862,  in the <em>Liberator<\/em>,\u00a0(Mar 14 ), Garrison is astonished that Lincoln still speaks of gradual and\u00a0compensated emancipation. &#8220;The President is at war with common sense,\u00a0sound reason, and the lessons of history. Garrison urges that the President\u00a0&#8220;has now the Constitutional Right, Power and Opportunity to &#8221; proclaim\u00a0liberty throughout the land to all inhabitants thereof.&#8221;  &#8220;Neither the President\u00a0nor Congress must be allowed to evade this solemn duty by any dodge&#8230;\u00a0&#8220;Shame and confusion of face to the President for his halting, shuffling,\u00a0backward policy&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>A Presidential message in December, 1862, brings Garrison&#8217;s response\u00a0to the President&#8217;s continued willingness to provide for compensated emancipation. &#8220;The President is demented &#8212; or else a veritable Rip Van Winkle,\u00a0who, for the last thirty years, has been oblivious to everything going on in\u00a0the country.&#8221;  Here is a clear sense that the two men have measured\u00a0differently the significance of changing public opinion.<\/p>\n<p>The President&#8217;s slow, deliberate, politically calculated movement toward\u00a0the final Emancipation Proclamation was agonizingly slow to Garrison. He\u00a0waited, watched hopefully&#8230;&#8230;..<\/p>\n<p>In the <em>Liberator<\/em>, January 9, 1863&#8230;.&#8221;however effectual may be the\u00a0President&#8217;s Emancipation Proclamation in breaking the chains of the\u00a0bondsmen in such rebellious sections of the country as he has designated,  &#8212; and Heaven grant that it may be as potent in operation as it\u00a0is comprehensive in its scope:  <em><strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">nevertheless, nothing at this hour is\u00a0settled so surely as the continued enslavement of four millions of the\u00a0inhabitants of the land; and while any of these remain to wear the yoke,\u00a0the primary object and specific work of this Society will not have been\u00a0accomplished.  Slavery, in the so-called loyal Border States is as\u00a0inexcusable, as criminal, as revolting, an unendurable, as pregnant\u00a0with evil and ruin, as in the rebellious Confederate States<\/span><\/strong><\/em>, and must\u00a0be as vigorously and as uncompromisingly assailed, until liberty is proclaimed &#8216;throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof&#8217;.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Just over a year later, in March, 1864, Garrison endorses Lincoln in his\u00a0bid for a second term, convinced that there will be further movement to\u00a0bring citizen rights to African people.  The reasons for that movement are\u00a0the subject of another lecture.  Here I have had a more modest aim.<\/p>\n<p>My purpose has been to indicate the route taken in the mind and heart\u00a0of William Lloyd Garrison from the early moment when he says that he\u00a0&#8220;discards&#8221; the use of physical force as the mode by which slavery is to\u00a0be overthrown. That choice he regards as &#8220;revolting&#8221; and &#8220;disastrous&#8221;.\u00a0I&#8217;ve traced some of the times in which Garrison responds to the events\u00a0of the time, motivated by his supreme purpose that the slave chains <strong>must<\/strong> be broken. &#8220;At some period or other, <strong>in some way or other our slaves\u00a0<span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">must<\/span> be free<\/strong>&#8230;&#8221; The &#8220;discard&#8221; of the use of physical force, conflicts\u00a0with the &#8220;some way or other&#8221;.  The Park Street statement that it is the\u00a0duty of the free states to assist in the overthrow of slavery conflicts with\u00a0the &#8220;discard&#8221; of the use of &#8220;physical force on the part of the free states&#8221;.\u00a0To recognize that conflict in Lloyd is not a measure of failure, but is to\u00a0know the greatness of the one single conviction of his life, that slavery\u00a0is worse than a moral wrong; it is Sin, that it must end, and all the\u00a0enslaved must be free.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>(Lecture by Horace Seldon, April 7, 2011, Museum of African American History, Boston, MA) What is presented here is a response to two facts which characterize this day on which\u00a0we&#8230;<\/p>\n<div class=\"more-link-wrapper\"><a class=\"more-link\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theliberatorfiles.com\/garrison-agitator-war-without-slavery\/\">Read More<span class=\"screen-reader-text\">Garrison, The  Agitator,  and  War  Without  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